The Right Lessons From the Massie Vote

We’re now seeing the consequences of Netanyahu’s bad bet.

by Brian Romick, President and CEO, Democratic Majority for Israel

Vote tally on Massie amendment in the House of Representatives, July 15, 2026

The House was right to reject Representative Thomas Massie’s amendment to eliminate U.S. security assistance to Israel. This was not a serious effort to formulate American foreign policy. Massie had been defeated in a Republican primary after President Trump endorsed his opponent. Republican leaders nevertheless gave his sweeping amendment a floor vote they knew their conference would overwhelmingly reject. It was a cynical attempt to weaponize Israel, divide Democrats, and turn a vital national-security partnership into a partisan political trap.

Some will argue this proves Democrats are turning on Israel. That is a convenient answer — and wrong. This fracture has been widening for more than a decade between Democrats and the Israeli government. Its origins date back to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s speech to Congress in March 2015 to criticize the Iran nuclear deal.

I was on the House Floor that day as a senior advisor to then-Democratic Whip Steny Hoyer. Most Democrats viewed Netanyahu’s address as a stunning breach of diplomatic protocol. It also was a calculated bet by the prime minister to align with the Republican Party, even if it meant fracturing relationships with Democratic lawmakers who believed they were advancing U.S. and Israeli security interests. Last year, Netanyahu criticized former President Biden, even after Biden provided unprecedented assistance after October 7 and twice provided American support to help shoot down Iranian ballistic missiles headed to Tel Aviv.

For generations, support for Israel rested on a simple bipartisan conviction: that a strong U.S.-Israel alliance advances America’s own national interests. Israel is a critical intelligence and security partner and a bulwark against the same terrorist groups and Iranian proxies that target both Israelis and Americans. Support for Israel was never determined by which party controlled Congress or the White House.

We’re now seeing the consequences of Netanyahu’s bad bet. This is a crisis moment for the U.S.-Israel relationship. While Hakeem Jeffries and Pete Aguilar voted against the Massie amendment, too many Democrats supported it. At the same time, Netanyahu is facing criticism from President Trump and Vice President Vance, which underscores the dangers of aligning with one party. And Vance — a frontrunner for the 2028 Republican presidential nomination — is a leading isolationist, has scolded Israel, and dismissed the rise in antisemitism.

Israel has never been more politically isolated from America. This week, many Democrats used their vote to say the status quo must change. Now, the Israeli government must help rebuild the alliance.

A Fractured Partnership

The security assistance to Israel voted on this week is not an act of charity. It is one of the most successful investments the United States has made in our national security. It deters Iran and its proxies Hamas and Hezbollah, all of whom would target the U.S. if they could. It strengthens intelligence and defense cooperation to defend against our mutual adversaries. It advances our technological innovation and creates American jobs. And it sends a message to the region that the United States has Israel’s back.

That strategic logic has not changed.

The assistance Massie sought to eliminate was provided under a 10-year agreement negotiated by President Obama. It also supports a longstanding commitment, enshrined in U.S. law, to preserve Israel’s qualitative military edge — the ability to defend itself against threats.

What has changed is the political will of the coalition to defend it. And it’s clear that pro-Israel Democrats need to do a better job of telling the story about how America benefits from the alliance and underscoring the existential threats on Israel’s borders.

Most Democrats, even those who voted for the Massie amendment, still believe Israel must exist as a secure Jewish and democratic state. They recognize Hamas must disarm and Israel’s neighbors must recognize the legitimacy of the Jewish state. They want the U.S.-Israel alliance to endure.

They also believe that settlement expansion undermines the prospects for a negotiated peace. They are horrified by the violence against Palestinians in the West Bank and believe those responsible should be prosecuted. They are appalled that extremist members of Netanyahu’s coalition, like Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir, excuse rather than condemn that violence. And they are saddened and angry by the devastating images from Gaza.

Israel should not dismiss those concerns. Democrats want Israeli leaders to acknowledge that they cannot rule over Palestinians forever, even if the conditions today aren’t right for two states.

There is a difference between those few Democratic Members who reject Israel’s legitimacy and those who question the policies of its government. There is a difference between those who seek to demonize Israel and those who believe its current policies make it harder to preserve Israel’s dual role as a Jewish and democratic state. That distinction also matters for the safety of American Jews. Political leaders have every right to criticize Israeli policies, its government, and the conduct of the war. But they also have a responsibility to do so without invoking conspiracy theories, assigning collective responsibility to American Jews, or suggesting that support for Israel reflects dual loyalty.

Massie’s rhetoric during and after his primary defeat demonstrated how quickly legitimate policy disagreements can give way to old tropes. At a time of heightened antisemitism, elected officials must recognize that the language used in this debate can have consequences far beyond the House floor.

The Path Forward

Americans understand that democracies represent more than their current elected officials.

We would not want our closest allies to abandon the United States because they disagree with Donald Trump. Governments change. Nations endure.

Similarly, our alliance is with the State of Israel — not with any prime minister, coalition, or political party.

The U.S.-Israel relationship should evolve, as it has since Israel’s founding. The path forward should be guided by enduring strategic interests that have long defined the partnership — advancing American national security, ensuring Israel’s security and ability to defend itself, and creating the conditions for a secure, prosperous, and peaceful future for Israelis, Palestinians, and the broader Middle East.

The bilateral alliance has never been defined by military assistance alone. It is built on intelligence cooperation and missile defense; cybersecurity and technological innovation; economic ties and regional diplomacy; and the shared values of two democracies confronting common threats. Intelligence sharing has helped thwart terrorist attacks, joint missile defense programs have strengthened America’s own defenses, and decades of security cooperation have enhanced the protection of U.S. troops, diplomats, and citizens. The relationship has endured because leaders of both parties recognized that it advances America’s national security and serves our national interest.

That is the case pro-Israel Democrats must continue to make.

Americans who did not live through the Holocaust, 1967, 1973, Oslo, or even October 7 will need to be persuaded that this alliance matters.

Israelis often speak of the significance of the country’s eighth decade — a reminder that even strong democracies cannot take their future for granted. Military strength alone has never guaranteed a nation’s survival. Political cohesion, democratic legitimacy, and enduring alliances matter just as much.

The same is true of the U.S.-Israel relationship.

The Massie amendment deserved to fail. But that’s not the main lesson.

We have to reverse the politicization of our alliance, dating back to Netanyahu’s joint address to Congress in 2015. Today, too many question whether Israel’s security advances America’s interests.

That confidence must be renewed.

But only if we stop assuming the coalition that built this alliance will sustain itself — and start rebuilding it for the generations to come.